Texas Democrat Joaquín Castro Is Ready to Turn the Lone Star State Blue

The 43-year-old San Antonio native talks about his goals, the fight over guns, and whether the Republican Party’s hold over the state could be loosening.
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If the day-to-day pace of serving as a member of Congress ever starts to wear on Joaquín Castro, you wouldn't know it from listening to him talk. "You can be sitting in your office in a meeting on public education, and then 20 minutes later be talking with someone about some aspect of the pro-life vs. pro-choice debate," the 43-year-old San Antonio native explains fondly, at one point likening a typical day, in true Texas fashion, to riding a bull. "An hour later, it's energy deregulation. You're constantly learning, and always shifting gears. It's fascinating."

The downside of his job, however, is that the Republican Party's stranglehold on political power in his home state means that throughout his legislative career—ten years in the state house and five and counting in Washington—he's been toiling away as a member of the minority in institutions not known for being hospitable to the poor saps who constitute it. "It's definitely kept me humble," he allows with a chuckle. Now, as hints that a "blue wave" in 2018 might make Texas's elections more competitive than they've been in a generation, Castro is extremely ready for the chance to cross some things off his growing wish list. We sat down with the congressman to talk about the prospects for passing a DREAM Act; Ted Cruz's fight to keep his Senate seat; and how a generation of outspoken, courageous, and social-media-savvy young people might be on the verge of changing American politics for good.


GQ: Previous attempts to pass gun-safety legislation, even in the aftermath of a mass shooting, have failed. What, if anything, is eventually going to lead to a different outcome?
Joaquín Castro: We've seen young people speak out with a strong voice since Parkland. We’ve also seen corporate America act by ending partnerships with the NRA. That’s different this time. That's something we haven't seen before. And there has been a spike in support for some kind of gun-safety legislation—I think it’s at 70 percent.

But all that, of course, is just public sentiment. It now has to translate into congressional action. Part of the challenge is that House districts are so gerrymandered that members are only paying attention to their primary base. I'm waiting to see how serious some of my colleagues, particularly Republicans, are about actually doing something. Whether it's universal background checks, which 90 percent of Americans support, or a ban on bump stocks, or something more ambitious, like banning assault weapons or high-capacity magazines—all of those things should be on the table.

You're a Democrat representing a heavily Democratic district in a state dominated by Republican politicians, both in Austin and in Washington. How does that dynamic affect the way you do your job?
It’s been useful, because I’ve learned how to develop an understanding of those who disagree with me, and how to work with people when you can't run them over with numbers. When you're not in the majority, you can’t just ignore people. For this Republican majority, legislation can be a my-way-or-the-highway proposition. But I've always had to work with the other side. I think there’s a benefit to that.

I am ready for Democrats to win the House this year, though. Because I think I've learned my lesson.

What, you don't need another two years of thinking that over?
No, I think I've kind of mastered it at this point. [laughs]

Congress has yet to enact a legislative fix that would resolve the fate of DACA permit holders and DREAM Act–eligible young people living in the United States. What concessions on border security would you agree to in order to get that done?
We believe, first and foremost, that there should be a clean DREAM Act vote, because public support for that bill is so high. Eighty-three percent of Americans support allowing DREAMers in the United States. It really makes you wonder how many Americans it takes to get Congress to act.

We have talked about more money for border security—for things like better technology and increased manpower along the border. But remember, the border has more agents patrolling it right now than at any time in its history. We have to dedicate our resources strategically. You can't just layer people on top of people and say that you did something.

Building walls is not what America is about. At the same time, I and others realize that Democrats are the minority party and that there's a certain realism you have to deal with. I think that’s been a struggle for some folks. We don't want to build a wall, but at some point, you're talking about trading an inanimate object for the prospects and futures of 800,000 people.

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Last year, you ruled out challenges to both Ted Cruz for his Senate seat and also to Greg Abbott for the governorship in 2018. What made you decide not to pursue either of those roles right now?
It's not that I thought—it was a combination of things that made me decide not to do it. It wasn't necessarily that I didn't think it was possible to win. I actually think that there is a path to winning. But I'm knee-deep in what I'm doing in the House, especially on the Intelligence Committee. And at 43, I feel like I have the opportunity to take my time and work on things I want to work on right now. There will be a Senate race or a governor's race later on, if that's what I want to do.

What do you think it will take for a Democrat to break through in Texas, where a candidate hasn't won a statewide election since 1994?
A lot of it depends on how big the wave gets. Part of the uncertainty for both Cruz and also [congressman Robert] O'Rourke is that nobody is fully in control of their own destiny there. Everyone is going to put in a lot of hard work and spend a lot of money. But a lot of it depends on how strong the electoral wave is in November 2018. And I still feel like it's building up. It hasn't quite crested yet.

How has Republican control of Texas done Texans a disservice? And how do you convince longtime Republican voters to change their minds and try something different?
Because the GOP has dominated state politics for over two decades, statewide elections now are decided in the Republican primary. When that happens, whether in Texas or anywhere else, candidates tend to move further to the extreme in order to win the support of primary voters, because they know that if you win the primary, they win the general, too. After you do that for several cycles, the candidates who win those races—the Ted Cruzes, the Dan Patricks, the Ken Paxtons—are pretty far out there and really do not represent most Texans. This state’s Republican Party has left behind so many people, including many who called themselves Republicans before.

I tell people that the Democratic Party is one of opportunity—we want to improve schools and make sure we have a strong health-care system and promote economic development. If you compare that to the number one priority of Governor Abbott and the Texas legislature in this last legislative session—it was a bathroom bill. So I just ask: Is your top priority bathrooms in the state? Or is it education, or transportation, or healthcare, or something else more substantive?

My philosophy is that politicians are responsible for building an infrastructure of opportunity in our communities. Just as streets and highways get everyone where they want to go on the road, the role of government in America is to help people get where they want to go in life. Bathrooms don't have much of a place in that calculus.

As a member of the Texas delegation, what kind of relationship do you have with Senator Cruz? Obviously, you two are members of different parties, but from a results-based approach, how has his first Senate term gone?
I've had a handful of conversations with him over the last five years. I think that for the first four years of his term, he was looking beyond Texas and focused on running for president. Unfortunately for him, the people back home in Texas recognized that. They want a senator who they know is committed every day to doing what's best for Texans, not for his or her own political career.

Has his approach changed since then, in your view?
Yeah, I mean, it seems as though he's trying to attend now to the role of being senator from Texas. But it may be a case of too little, too late.

Why has the House Intelligence Committee's work become more politicized during the Trump administration?
We can't prosecute anybody. That job is for Robert Mueller and his team. But the committee has a responsibility to get to the bottom of who interfered with our election, why they did it, and whether any Americans were part of that effort. We need to report accurately and fairly about what happened, and make recommendations to stop it from happening in the future.

Chairman Nunes, though, has refused to interview witnesses who we ought to sit down and talk to, or bring back witnesses we need to follow up with. He hasn't followed up with subpoenas for things like bank records, travel records, and other information that we need to verify what we've been told by witnesses—or to understand that they aren't telling us the truth, and that we need to follow other leads. He has caused great division on the committee, even among Republicans.

What is the role of a congressional caucus to foreign nations in light of the president's status as this country's ceremonial head of state? How might your interactions with Prime Minister Abe differ from President Trump's?
I co-founded the U.S. Japan Caucus five years ago—with Devin Nunes, actually, before things went south. [laughs] We did it to create a platform for members of Congress and members of the Japanese National Diet to work together on issues that concern both our nations. But over the last year, I also feel that a big role of members of Congress is going out to different parts of the world and reminding our allies that they still have a friend in the United States, and that the United States is still committed to the world and to being a leader among nations.

If the Democrats were to take back the House in 2018, what's at the top of your priority list?
We need to protect the DREAMers. We need to do a thorough and fair investigation into election interference. We need to hold hearings with respect to the #MeToo movement—as it relates to policies in Congress but also in industry, for example. And I believe we need to work toward universal health-care coverage, whether through the Medicare for All proposal or some other piece of legislation. There are a lot of things Congress needs to consider that have been bottled up, because this group of folks doesn't want to hear it.

You talked about seeing the beginnings of a potential generational shift in the national discourse over gun safety. Are there any other policy areas in which you see an analogous shift potentially on the horizon?
DREAMers have been doing this for years in the immigration debate—it has really been young people who have been pushing for comprehensive immigration reform. I also see it in the #MeToo movement, as young women take to the streets and make their voices heard online and petition their legislators for action. But throughout American history, many of the major political movements have been powered by our youth. It's no surprise to see it happening again.

This interview has been edited and condensed.