Another verdict goes against the government (Covid contract for firm run by Cummings’ friends unlawful, finds judge, 9 June). Amid much discussion of the Good Law Project’s activities, however, one question goes unanswered: given that democracies need a lively independent scrutiny of government, what is the sanction?
The government reacts, as we have now come to expect, with lies and threats. The GLP itself is the target of accusations that it is “misusing crowdfunding”, and the government uses taxpayers’ money to run up huge costs, which the GLP is at risk of having to pay. The court is under the threat of legislation to curb the use of judicial review.
What we are witnessing is a broad-front attack on the institutions of a mature democracy: the BBC, the Electoral Commission, the government’s and parliament’s ethics advisers, and so on. It is a scenario that is dismally familiar from states across the world where democracy is under threat. Behind all this is the apparent complete absence of any sanctions that would discourage ministers from further ignoring the law.
Our unwritten constitution has always depended on ministers having some sense of honour. Once ministers get used to ignoring the rules, lying to the public and generally swerving accountability, an unwritten constitution is no longer enough.
Jeremy Cushing
Exeter
Polly Toynbee’s piece (Dido Harding to head the NHS? Her position would be untenable, 7 June) gave a worrying overview of ways in which our present government is ideologically driven and undemocratic. Her list of appointments and non-appointments could be extended to the vetoing of potential members of the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs to exclude those who are likely to criticise government drug policy.
Even more chilling is the reference in the same edition to Oliver Dowden telling museums and other cultural institutions that he expected their “approach to issues of contested heritage to be consistent with the government’s position” – another stride in the direction of authoritarianism and the imposition of approved history. And this from a government claiming to be concerned about protecting free speech.
Blaine Stothard
London
A week before Polly Toynbee wrote about “political appointments … embedding Torydom”, Nesrine Malik wrote about the importance of checks and balances in a liberal democracy to prevent the concentration and abuse of power (If nothing sticks to this government, it’s because nobody is making it stick, 31 May). The impunity this government has been allowed makes me wonder if we are sliding towards one-party rule. The signs are clear: the Tories’ cynical plans to introduce unnecessary ID for voting; the squashing of dissent and positioning of Conservative “placemen” in key institutions like the BBC; the personality cult of Boris; the welcome given to the Hungarian prime minister, Viktor Orbán, who is quite far along the road to totalitarianism.
The Tories have always regarded themselves as the natural party to govern the country, but now they are much more willing to undermine democracy and the rule of the law to stay in power permanently. There is not enough outrage about this, but we cannot wait for Boris Johnson’s abuses of power to go on any longer, because of the permanent damage that will be done to our civil rights, democracy and national wellbeing.
Pat Farrington
London
The second letter in this package was amended on 13 June 2021 to correct the name of the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs.